Tony Allwright
NOT LONG ago, the Garda seized 32kg (77lb of heroin)
worth €6.5 million, capturing one of Dublin's allegedly most notorious
drug traffickers.
That's 32kg that won't be injected into anyone's
veins, and perhaps a drug dealer taken off the streets for several
years. Surely, a major fillip for society.
Except it's not; it's a total waste of taxpayers'
money. Not a single heroin user will forego his/her fix. Meanwhile,
others will step forward to take the captive's place and keep the
criminal drug supply chain humming.
That's the fallacy of the utterly fruitless global war
on drugs, of which the only spin-off may be a slight rise in drug prices
to offset the inconvenience of harassment by the boys in blue, which may
marginally deter a few marginal users. The reason for the drug warriors'
universal failure is simple: they are all aiming at the wrong target.
Mistakenly, it's drug-peddlers who get attacked and
demonised everywhere, from capitalist America to authoritarian Russia to
socialist Venezuela to communist Cuba to Islamist Iran. Thoroughly
antipathetic to each other, such countries make strange bedfellows when
it comes to drugs, doing little to co-operate in their fights against
the common enemy.
The secondary mis-targeted target is the drug growers,
those wondrously industrious and inventive developing-world farmers in
such places as Afghanistan, Columbia, Laos. To feed their families,
these hardy men find ever better ways of growing poppies, coca,
cannabis, despite the attempts of international drug-busters to ruin
their harvests while vainly tempting them to adopt less lucrative
careers.
You have to marvel at how stone-age Afghan tillers of
the soil, in a desperately poor, war-torn, gun-happy, terrorist-ridden,
land-locked, almost infrastructureless country, nevertheless meet over
90 per cent of the world's demand for heroin and other opiates. What
other country produces - and exports - 90 per cent of the world's
anything?
The growers and pushers are the wrong targets because
they're not the source of the world's drug problem. That dubious honour
belongs to the customers, who alone create the demand and provide the
money that fuels the drugs industry.
Thus the only one way to suppress it is through
relentless, merciless pressure on drug users themselves. While they
continue buying, no amount of napalming crops or incarcerating
traffickers is going to halt production and trade. New farmers and new
traffickers will spring up to meet the demand.
Two distinct attacks are needed. Firstly, users need
to be hunted down in their thousands and punished, notwithstanding the
huge strain on judicial systems. Of course this will become supremely
unpopular, because whereas dealers are easily vilified, drug-takers are
"victims", "addicts", "prostitutes". Or pillars of society, or
celebrities, or just ordinary guys and gals enjoying a night out or a
private dinner party.
Yet the criminalisation of thousands, causing uproar
as people see the law cart off friends and relations, will undoubtedly
cut consumption and thus production and trafficking, a feat which no
other "war on drugs" has come close to achieving.
The second approach should aim to cut people's desire
for drugs in the first place. Certainly, widespread TV advertising about
the dangers would help, just as ads about the horrific effects of
alcohol-fuelled car accidents reduce drink driving.
But wholesale change in the drug-taking culture will
not happen without targeting people so young their world-views are only
forming. As already happens over things like global warming, nature
conservation and bad driving, that means starting anti-drugs education
at primary school, if not kindergarten. And keeping it going,
relentlessly, throughout children's education, so that when they hit
adulthood, drug-taking seems as ridiculous as driving without a seat
belt or leaving all the lights on.
The effectiveness, whether for good or ill, of such
social brainwashing of the very young and upwards is well proven.
Examples abound.
Indoctrinating generations of Ireland's kids in the
Catholic catechism maintained this country as almost a theocratic state
until only a couple of decades ago. Instilling a huge sense of knowledge
and pride in one's nation, history and - indeed - race, helped to create
and fuel countless empires over the centuries, for better or for worse.
Or, witness the tribal loyalties and hatreds,
inculcated from the cradle, leading to conflicts such as the 1994
Rwandan genocide, Northern Ireland's 30-year war, the current violence
in Kenya pitting Kikuyu against Luo. To this day, innumerable madrassas
across the world teach Muslim children the alleged wickedness of Jews
and the virtues of suicide-homicide. So whole generations are now
growing up with such notions hard-wired into their brains, and hot for
jihad.
Brainwashing kids with anti-drug ideas will certainly
cut the number of adults with a yen to snort or inject. But it is
unglamorous, difficult to implement, pretty boring and will take 20
years to yield results. Compared to the fun of rooting out dealers and
poisoning poppy fields, it provides few kudos for politicians and
law-enforcers.
Yet no battle against drugs can ever be ultimately
successful until it confronts the true culprits, ie those who ingest the
stuff, both today's consumers (adults) and tomorrow's (children). For
both groups of citizens, the solution is the same: to conquer and bend
that most powerful of mankind's attributes - the mind. This means
declaring drug-war on both users and kids. Or simply legalising the
wretched chemicals.
...
Tony Allwright is an engineering consultant, and a
blogger on international and national issues - www.tallrite.com/blog.htm
© 2008 The Irish Times